Main Page

From Who Comments? - the encyclopedia of comment & opinion
Jump to: navigation, search
whocomments?
the encyclopedia of comment & opinion
the UK's only free to use biographical database of comment journalism
1,887 articles in English
Business and Finance Culture and Media Economy and Employment Education and Training
Environment and Resources EU and World Affairs Government and Politics Health and Welfare
Infrastructure and Transport Law and Security Science and Technology Society and Values
The Daily Telegraph · The Sunday Telegraph · The Times · The Sunday Times · The Guardian · The Observer · The Independent · The Independent on Sunday
Daily Mail · The Mail on Sunday · Daily Express · Sunday Express · The Sun · Daily Mirror · Sunday Mirror · Daily Star · Evening Standard · Morning Star
Financial Times · The Wall Street Journal · Reuters BreakingViews · The Economist · Investors Chronicle
UK broadcast · UK magazines · UK regional journals · US journals · US magazines · From around the world
Political/Economic organisations · Academics · Political bloggers · Bloggers · Correspondents · Politicians · Unaffiliated/Freelance · Journalist roles
EU Referendum comment-catch-up

Boris Johnson EU catch-up

George Monbiot: The Zombie Doctrine

Crisis after crisis is being caused by a failed ideology. But it cannot be stopped without a coherent alternative

15th April 2016

It’s as if the people of the Soviet Union had never heard of communism. The ideology that dominates our lives has, for most of us, no name. Mention it in conversation and you’ll be rewarded with a shrug. Even if your listeners have heard the term before, they will struggle to define it. Neoliberalism: do you know what it is?

Its anonymity is both a symptom and cause of its power. It has played a major role in a remarkable variety of crises: the financial meltdown of 2007-8, the offshoring of wealth and power, of which the Panama Papers offer us merely a glimpse, the slow collapse of public health and education, resurgent child poverty, the epidemic of loneliness, the collapse of ecosystems, the rise of Donald Trump. But we respond to these crises as if they emerge in isolation, apparently unaware that they have all been either catalysed or exacerbated by the same coherent philosophy; a philosophy that has – or had – a name. What greater power can there be than to operate namelessly?

So pervasive has neoliberalism become that we seldom even recognise it as an ideology. We appear to accept the proposition that this utopian, millenarian faith describes a neutral force; a kind of biological law, like Darwin’s theory of evolution. But the philosophy arose as a conscious attempt to reshape human life and shift the locus of power.

Neoliberalism sees competition as the defining characteristic of human relations. It redefines citizens as consumers, whose democratic choices are best exercised by buying and selling, a process that rewards merit and punishes inefficiency. It maintains that “the market” delivers benefits that could never be achieved by planning.

Attempts to limit competition are treated as inimical to liberty. Tax and regulation should be minimised, public services should be privatised. The organisation of labour and collective bargaining by trade unions are portrayed as market distortions, that impede the formation of a natural hierarchy of winners and losers. Inequality is recast as virtuous: a reward for utility and a generator of wealth, which trickles down to enrich everyone. Efforts to create a more equal society are both counter-productive and morally corrosive. The market ensures that everyone gets what they deserve.

We internalise and reproduce its creeds. The rich persuade themselves that they acquired their wealth through merit, ignoring the advantages – such as education, inheritance and class – that may have helped to secure it. The poor begin to blame themselves for their failures, even when they can do little to change their circumstances.

Never mind structural unemployment: if you don’t have a job it’s because you are unenterprising. Never mind the impossible costs of housing: if your credit card is maxed out, you’re feckless and improvident. Never mind that your children no longer have a school playing field: if they get fat, it’s your fault. In a world governed by competition, those who fall behind become defined and self-defined as losers.

Among the results, as Paul Verhaeghe documents in his book What About Me? are epidemics of self-harm, eating disorders, depression, loneliness, performance anxiety and social phobia. Perhaps it’s unsurprising that Britain, in which neoliberal ideology has been most rigorously applied, is the loneliness capital of Europe. We are all neoliberals now.

+++

The term neoliberalism was coined at a meeting in Paris in 1938. Among the delegates were two men who came to define the ideology, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek. Both exiles from Austria, they saw social democracy, exemplified by Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and the gradual development of Britain’s welfare state, as manifestations of a collectivism that occupied the same spectrum as nazism and communism.

In The Road to Serfdom, published in 1944, Hayek argued that government planning, by crushing individualism, would lead inexorably to totalitarian control. Like Mises’s book Bureaucracy, The Road to Serfdom was widely read. It came to the attention of some very wealthy people, who saw in the philosophy an opportunity to free themselves from regulation and tax. When, in 1947, Hayek founded the first organisation that would spread the doctrine of neoliberalism – the Mont Pelerin Society – it was supported financially by millionaires and their foundations.

With their help, he began to create what Daniel Stedman Jones describes in Masters of the Universe as “a kind of neoliberal International”: a transatlantic network of academics, businessmen, journalists and activists. The movement’s rich backers funded a series of think tanks which would refine and promote the ideology. Among them were the American Enterprise Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, the Institute of Economic Affairs, the Centre for Policy Studies and the Adam Smith Institute. They also financed academic positions and departments, particularly at the universities of Chicago and Virginia.

As it evolved, neoliberalism became more strident. Hayek’s view that governments should regulate competition to prevent monopolies from forming gave way, among American apostles such as Milton Friedman, to the belief that monopoly power could be seen as a reward for efficiency.

Something else happened during this transition: the movement lost its name. In 1951, Milton Friedman was happy to describe himself as a neoliberal. But soon after that, the term began to disappear. Stranger still, even as the ideology became crisper and the movement more coherent, the lost name was not replaced by any common alternative.

At first, despite its lavish funding, neoliberalism remained at the margins. The post-war consensus was almost universal: John Maynard Keynes’s economic prescriptions were widely applied, full employment and the relief of poverty were common goals in the US and much of western Europe, top rates of tax were high and governments sought social outcomes without embarassment, developing new public services and safety nets.

But in the 1970s, when Keynesian policies began to fall apart and economic crises struck on both sides of the Atlantic, neoliberal ideas began to enter the mainstream. As Milton Friedman remarked, “when the time came that you had to change … there was an alternative ready there to be picked up.” With the help of sympathetic journalists and political advisers, elements of neoliberalism, especially its prescriptions for monetary policy, were adopted by Jimmy Carter’s administration in the United States and Jim Callaghan’s government in Britain.

After Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan took power, the rest of the package soon followed: massive tax cuts for the rich, the crushing of trade unions, deregulation, privatisation, outsourcing and competition in public services. Through the IMF, the World Bank, the Maastricht treaty and the World Trade Organisation, neoliberal policies were imposed – often without democratic consent – on much of the world. Most remarkable was its adoption among parties that once belonged to the left: Labour and the Democrats, for example. As Daniel Stedman Jones notes, “it is hard to think of another utopia to have been as fully realised.”

+++

It may seem strange that a doctrine promising choice and freedom should have been promoted with the slogan “there is no alternative”. But, as Friedrich Hayek remarked on a visit to Pinochet’s Chile – one of the first nations in which the programme was comprehensively applied – “my personal preference leans toward a liberal dictatorship rather than toward a democratic government devoid of liberalism.” The freedom neoliberalism offers, which sounds so beguiling when expressed in general terms, turns out to mean freedom for the pike, not for the minnows.

Freedom from trade unions and collective bargaining means the freedom to suppress wages. Freedom from regulation means the freedom to poison rivers, endanger workers, charge iniquitous rates of interest and design exotic financial instruments. Freedom from tax means freedom from the distribution of wealth that lifts people out of poverty.

As Naomi Klein documents in The Shock Doctrine, neoliberal theorists advocated the use of crises to impose unpopular policies while people were distracted: for example, in the aftermath of Pinochet’s coup, the Iraq war and Hurricane Katrina, which Milton Friedman described as “an opportunity to radically reform the educational system” in New Orleans.

Where neoliberal policies cannot be imposed domestically, they are imposed internationally, through trade treaties incorporating “investor-state dispute settlement”: offshore tribunals in which corporations can press for the removal of social and environmental protections. When parliaments have voted to restrict sales of cigarettes, protect water supplies from mining companies, freeze energy bills or prevent pharmaceutical firms from ripping off the state, corporations have sued, often successfully. Democracy is reduced to theatre.

Another paradox of neoliberalism is that universal competition relies upon universal quantification and comparison. The result is that workers, job-seekers and public services of every kind are subject to a pettifogging, stifling regime of assessment and monitoring, designed to identify the winners and punish the losers. The doctrine that, Ludwig von Mises proposed, would free us from the bureaucratic nightmare of central planning has instead created one.

Neoliberalism was not conceived as a self-serving racket, but it rapidly became one. Economic growth has been markedly slower in the neoliberal era (since 1980 in Britain and the US) than it was in the preceding decades; but not for the very rich. Inequality in the distribution of both income and wealth, after 60 years of decline, rose rapidly in this era, due to the smashing of trade unions, tax reductions, rising rents, privatisation and deregulation.

The privatisation or marketisation of public services – such as energy, water, trains, health, education, roads and prisons – has enabled corporations to set up tollbooths in front of essential assets and charge rent, either to citizens or to government, for their use. Rent is another term for unearned income. When you pay an inflated price for a train ticket, only part of the fare compensates the operators for the money they spend on fuel, wages, rolling stock and other outlays. The rest reflects the fact that they have you over a barrel.

Those who own and run the UK’s privatised or semi-privatised services make stupendous fortunes by investing little and charging much. In Russia and India, oligarchs acquired state assets through firesales. In Mexico, Carlos Slim was granted control of almost all landline and mobile phone services and soon became the world’s richest man.

Financialisation, as Andrew Sayer points out in Why We Can’t Afford the Rich, has had similar impacts. “Like rent,” he argues, “interest is … unearned income that accrues without any effort.” As the poor become poorer and the rich become richer, the rich acquire increasing control over another crucial asset: money. Interest payments, overwhelmingly, are a transfer of money from the poor to the rich. As property prices and the withdrawal of state funding load people with debt (think of the switch from student grants to student loans), the banks and their executives clean up.

Sayer argues that the past four decades have been characterised by a transfer of wealth not only from the poor to the rich, but within the ranks of the wealthy: from those who make their money by producing new goods or services to those who make their money by controlling existing assets and harvesting rent, interest or capital gains. Earned income has been supplanted by unearned income.

Neoliberal policies are everywhere beset by market failures. Not only are the banks too big to fail, but so are the corporations now charged with delivering public services. As Tony Judt pointed out in Ill Fares the Land, Friedrich Hayek forgot that vital national services cannot be allowed to collapse, which means that competition cannot run its course. Business takes the profits, the state keeps the risk.

The greater the failure, the more extreme the ideology becomes. Governments use neoliberal crises as both excuse and opportunity to cut taxes, privatise remaining public services, rip holes in the social safety net, deregulate corporations and re-regulate citizens. The self-hating state now sinks its teeth into every organ of the public sector.

Perhaps the most dangerous impact of neoliberalism is not the economic crises it has caused, but the political crisis. As the domain of the state is reduced, our ability to change the course of our lives through voting also contracts. Instead, neoliberal theory asserts, people can exercise choice through spending. But some have more to spend than others: in the great consumer or shareholder democracy, votes are not equally distributed. The result is a disempowerment of the poor and middle. As parties of the right and former left adopt similar neoliberal policies, disempowerment turns to disenfranchisement. Large numbers of people have been shed from politics.

Chris Hedges remarks that “fascist movements build their base not from the politically active but the politically inactive, the “losers” who feel, often correctly, they have no voice or role to play in the political establishment.” When political debate no longer speaks to us, people become responsive instead to slogans, symbols and sensation. To the admirers of Donald Trump, for example, facts and arguments appear irrelevant.

Tony Judt pointed out that when the thick mesh of interactions between people and the state has been reduced to nothing but authority and obedience, the only remaining force that binds us is state power. The totalitarianism Hayek feared is more likely to emerge when governments, having lost the moral authority that arises from the delivery of public services, are reduced to “cajoling, threatening and ultimately coercing people to obey them”.

+++

Like communism, neoliberalism is the God that failed. But the zombie doctrine staggers on, and one of the reasons is its anonymity. Or rather, a cluster of anonymities.

The invisible doctrine of the invisible hand is promoted by invisible backers. Slowly, very slowly, we have begun to discover the names of a few of them. We find that the Institute of Economic Affairs, which has argued forcefully in the media against the further regulation of the tobacco industry, has been secretly funded by British American Tobacco since 1963. We discover that Charles and David Koch, two of the richest men in the world, founded the institute that set up the Tea Party movement. We find that Charles Koch, in establishing one of his think tanks, noted that “in order to avoid undesirable criticism, how the organization is controlled and directed should not be widely advertised.”

The words used by neoliberalism often conceal more than they elucidate. “The market” sounds like a natural system that might bear upon us equally, like gravity or atmospheric pressure. But it is fraught with power relations. What “the market wants” tends to mean what corporations and their bosses want. “Investment”, as Andrew Sayer notes, means two quite different things. One is the funding of productive and socially useful activities, the other is the purchase of existing assets to milk them for rent, interest, dividends and capital gains. Using the same word for different activities “camouflages the sources of wealth”, leading us to confuse wealth extraction with wealth creation.

A century ago, the nouveau riche were disparaged by those who had inherited their money. Entrepreneurs sought social acceptance by passing themselves off as rentiers. Today, the relationship has been reversed: the rentiers and inheritors style themselves entrepreneurs. They claim to have earned their unearned income.

These anonymities and confusions mesh with the namelessness and placelessness of modern capitalism: the franchise model which ensures that workers do not know for whom they toil; the companies registered through a network of offshore secrecy regimes so complex that even the police cannot discover the beneficial owners; the tax arrangements that bamboozle governments; the financial products no one understands.

The anonymity of neoliberalism is fiercely guarded. Those who are influenced by Hayek, Mises and Friedman tend to reject the term, maintaining – with some justice – that it is used today only pejoratively. But they offer us no substitute. Some describe themselves as classical liberals or libertarians, but these descriptions are both misleading and curiously self-effacing, as they suggest that there is nothing novel about The Road to Serfdom, Bureaucracy or Friedman’s classic work, Capitalism and Freedom.

+++

For all that, there is something admirable about the neoliberal project, at least in its early stages. It was a distinctive, innovative philosophy promoted by a coherent network of thinkers and activists with a clear plan of action. It was patient and persistent. The Road to Serfdom became the path to power.

Neoliberalism’s triumph also reflects the failure of the left. When laissez-faire economics led to catastrophe in 1929, Keynes devised comprehensive economic theory to replace it. When Keynesian demand management hit the buffers in the 1970s, there was “an alternative ready there to be picked up.” But when neoliberalism fell apart in 2008 there was … nothing. This is why the zombie walks. The left and centre have produced no new general framework of economic thought for 80 years.

Every invocation of Lord Keynes is an admission of failure. To propose Keynesian solutions to the crises of the 21st-century is to ignore three obvious problems. It is hard to mobilise people around old ideas; the flaws exposed in the 1970s have not gone away; and, most importantly, they have nothing to say about our gravest predicament: the environmental crisis. Keynesianism works by stimulating consumer demand to promote economic growth. Consumer demand and economic growth are the motors of environmental destruction.

What the history of both Keynesianism and neoliberalism show is that it’s not enough to oppose a broken system. A coherent alternative has to be proposed. For Labour, the Democrats and the wider left, the central task should be to develop an economic Apollo programme, a conscious attempt to design a new system, tailored to the demands of the 21st Century.

©www.monbiot.com

David Aaronovitch · Accountancy Column · Guy Adams · Kamal Ahmed · Decca Aitkenhead · Yasmin Alibhai-Brown · Arne Alsin · Chris Ames · Nigel Andrews · Anjana Ahuja · Andrew Alexander · James Altucher · Matthew d'Ancona · Bruce Anderson · Andrew Anthony · Louise Armitstead · Sue Arnold · Rob Arnott · Charles Arthur · Neal Ascherson · Jackie Ashley · Tim Ashley · Anne Ashworth · Peter Aspden · Mike Atherton · Dan Atkinson · Mark Austin · John Authers · Chris Ayres · Lisa Bachelor · The Backbencher · Julian Baggini · Gerard Baker · Martin Baker · Joan Bakewell · Martin Baker · Baz Bamigboye · Annalisa Barbieri · Patrick Barclay · Patrick Barkham · Simon Barnes · James Bartholomew · Sandra Barwick · Claire Beale · Mary Beard · Rosemary Behan · Emily Bell · Steve Bell · Catherine Bennett · Oliver Bennett · Vanora Bennett · Marcus Berkmann · Marcel Berlins · Peter Bill · Michael Billington · Peter Bills · Ian Birrell · Patrick Bishop · Bizarre · Ian Black · Black Dog · Virginia Blackburn · Terence Blacker · Blackfriar · David Blackwell · James Blitz · Phillip Blond · David Blunkett · David Bolchover · Anthony Bolton · Christopher Booker · Roger Bootle · Julian Borger · Mark Borkowski · Mihir Bose · David Bowen · Geoffrey Boycott · Rosie Boycott · Susie Boyt · Pierre Briançon · Simon Briscoe · Samuel Brittan · Benedict Brogan · Charlie Brooker · Libby Brooks · Andy Brough · Andrew Brown · Cooper Brown · Craig Brown · Maggie Brown · Michael Brown · Tyler Brûlé · Alex Brummer · Kirsty Buchanan · Willem Buiter · Andrew Buncombe · Madeleine Bunting · Julie Burchill · Oliver Burkeman · Bill Burrows · Katherine Butler · Siobhain Butterworth · Vince Cable · Carole Cadwalladr · Christopher Caldwell · Sue Cameron · Georgia Cameron-Clarke · Beatrix Campbell · Duncan Campbell · Ian Campbell · Paul Carr · Simon Carr · Rory Carroll · Sue Carroll · Simon Caulkin · Camilla Cavendish · Alexander Chancellor · Shami Chakrabarti · Edward Chancellor · Peter Chapman · Angelique Chrisafis · Rupert Christiansen · Ben Chu · Ross Clark · Tom Clark · Jane Clarke · Mickey Clarke · Peter Clarke · Jeremy Clarkson · Charles Clover · Alan Cochrane · Patrick Cockburn · Philip Coggan · Nick Cohen · Robert Cole · Neil Collins · Patrick Collinson · Robert Colvile · Heather Connon · Steve Connor · Edmund Conway · Jonathan Cook · Nicola Copping · Alan Coren · Giles Coren · Victoria Coren · Rupert Cornwell · Tracy Corrigan · Ros Coward · Ian Cowie · Con Coughlin · David Cox · Robert Crampton · Agnes T. Crane · Clive Crook · Cross Bencher · Antony Currie · Robert Cyran · Iain Dale · James Daley · Janet Daley · Philippa Davenport · Jenny Davey · Andrew Davidson · Gavyn Davies · Nick Davies · Clive Davis · Rowenna Davis · Michael Deacon · Bill Deedes · Henry Deedes · Chris Deerin · Mary Dejevsky · James Delingpole · Mick Dennis · Dominik Diamond · John Dillon · Chris Dillow · Hugo Dixon · John Dizard · Peter Dobbie · Daniel Dombey · Richard Donkin · Tim Dowling · Margaret Doyle · Oliver Duff · Nicholas Dunbar · Gary Duncan · Emma Duncan · Kevin Eason · David Edgar · Simon Edge · David Edwards · John Edwards · Barbara Ellen · Keith Elliott · Larry Elliott · Tracey Emin · Engaging India · Matthew Engel · European View · Harold Evans · Ambrose Evans-Pritchard · Hermione Eyre · Harry Eyres · James Le Fanu · Nigel Farndale · Paul Farrow · Guido Fawkes · Mick Fealty · Vanessa Feltz · Euan Ferguson · Niall Ferguson · Nick Ferrari · Helen Fielding · Christopher Fildes · Julia Finch · Daniel Finkelstein · Robert Fisk · Richard Fletcher · John Foley · Stephen Foley · Frederick Forsyth · Peter Franklin · Alexandra Frean · Jonathan Freedland · Chrystia Freeland · Hadley Freeman · Vanessa Friedman · Frank Furedi · Una Galani · Gregor Gall · John Gapper · Richard Garner · Timothy Garton Ash · Jasper Gerard · Frances Gibb · Janine Gibson · A A Gill · Andrew Gilligan · Andrew Gimson · John Gittings · Dan Glaister · Jonathan Glancey · Julian Glover · Stephen Glover · Tanya Gold · Ben Goldacre · Suzanne Goldenberg · David Goodhart · Bryony Gordon · Richard Gott · Michael Gove · Andrew Gowers · Linda Grant · John Gray · David Green · Roy Greenslade · Andrew Grice · Viv Groskop · Wei Gu · Jon Guant · Francesco Guerrera · Katy Guest · Jonathan Guthrie · Anthony Haden-Guest · Macer Hall · Liam Halligan · Tim Hames · Adrian Hamilton · Neil Hamilton · Daniel Hannan · Ephraim Hardcastle · James Harding · Luke Harding · Tim Harford · Deborah Hargreaves · Johann Hari · John Harris · Julia Hartley-Brewer · Max Hastings · Simon Hattenstone · Roy Hattersley · George Hay · Natalie Haynes · Edward Heathcoat-Amory · Simon Heffer · Adam Helliker · Michael Henderson · Jon Henley · Philip Hensher · Noreena Hertz · Steve Hewlett · William Hickey · Andrew Hill · Dave Hill · Anthony Hilton · Isabel Hilton · Gaby Hinsliff · Christopher Hitchens · Peter Hitchens · Lydia Hislop · Phil Hogan · Simon Hoggart · Jim Holden · Oliver Holt · Lawrie Homes · Patrick Hosking · Anthony Howard · Christopher Howse · Polly Hudson · David Hughes · Mick Hume · Liz Hunt · Tristram Hunt · Martin Hutchinson · Will Hutton · Marina Hyde · Armando Iannucci · John Ingham · Richard Ingrams · Edwina Ings-Chambers · Inside Curve · Jill Insley · Jonathan Isaby · Martin Ivens · Ian Jack · Tony Jackson · Howard Jacobson · Martin Jacques · Alex James · Erwin James · Alice-Azania Jarvis · Jeff Jarvis · Stuart Jeffries · Simon Jenkins · Boris Johnson · Frank Johnson · Jo Johnson · Luke Johnson · Rachel Johnson · Philip Johnston · Dom Joly · Dylan Jones · Jonathan Jones · Liz Jones · Nicholas De Jongh · Guy de Jonquières · Stephen Kahn · Anatole Kaletsky · Oliver Kamm · John Kampfner · Anne Karpf · Vitaliy Katsenelson · Sunder Katwala · Trevor Kavanagh · John Kay · Richard Kay · William Kay · John Keegan · William Keegan · Andrew Keen · Lucy Kellaway · Des Kelly · Lorraine Kelly · Martin Kelner · Mary Kenny · Tessa Keswick · Martin Kettle · Roula Khalaf · Ian King · Stephen King · Miles Kington · Mark Kleinman · India Knight · Julian Knight · Marek Kohn · Paul Krugman · Simon Kuper · Nicholas Lander · Robin Lane Fox · William Langley · Robert Gore-Langton · Jeremy Laurance · Dominic Lawson · Mark Lawson · Ruth Lea · Geoffrey Lean · Norman Lebrecht · Rowley Leigh · Sam Leith · Tom Leonard · Ann Leslie · Quentin Letts · Ariel Leve · Ellie Levenson · Jemima Lewis · William Lewis · Lex column · John Lichfield · Rod Liddle · Magnus Linklater · Maureen Lipman · David Lister · Bel Littlejohn · Richard Littlejohn · Lombard · Simon London · John Lloyd · Dan de Luce · Martin Lukes · Neil Lyndon · Ben Macintyre · Donald Macintyre · Kelvin Mackenzie · Stuart Maconie · Denis MacShane · Bronwen Maddox · Kevin Maguire · Fiona Maharg-Bravo · Victor Mallet · Carole Malone · Mandrake · Lucy Mangan · Clinton Manning · Christopher Manthorp · Andrew Marr · Oliver Marre · Minette Marrin · Iain Martin · Jurek Martin · Jane Martinson · Jenny McCartney · Margaret McCartney · Melanie McDonagh · Anne McElvoy · Richard McGregor · Fiona McIntosh · Peter McKay · David McKie · Robin McKie · Leo McKinstry · Hamish McRae · Adrian Michaels · Carol Midgley · Neil Midgley · Alice Miles · David Miller · Eleanor Mills · Seumas Milne · Jan Moir · George Monbiot · Mrs Moneypenny · Bel Mooney · Charles Moore · James Moore · Jane Moore · Suzanne Moore · Caitlin Moran · Piers Morgan · Richard Morrison · Carl Mortished · Ferdinand Mount · Harry Mount · Hugh Muir · Wolfgang Münchau · Chris Mullin · Andrew Murray-Watson · Jonathan Myerson · Julie Myerson · John Naughton · Charles Nevin · T.N. Ninan · Jason Nisse · Matthew Norman · Richard Norton-Taylor · Notebook · Peter Oborne · Cristina Odone · John O'Farrell · Patrick O'Flynn · Sean O'Grady · Andrew O'Hagan · Jonathan Oliver · On the press · On Wall Street · Deborah Orr · Hugh O'Shaughnessy · Margareta Pagano · Nicholas Paisner · Greg Palast · Alasdair Palmer · Pandora · George Parker · Matthew Parris · Sandra Parsons · Tony Parsons · Nick Paton Walsh · Christina Patterson · John Patterson · Allison Pearson · Quentin Peel · Rowan Pelling · Pendennis · Robert Peston · Peterborough · James Pethokoukis · Alexis Petridis · Fiona Phillips · Melanie Phillips · Justine Picardie · Anna Pickard · Jim Pickard · Andrew Pierce · John Pilger · David Pilling · Stephen Pincock · George Pitcher · Amanda Platell · John Plender · Martin Plimmer · Agnès Poirier · Stephen Pollard · Mary Portas · Andrew Porter · Henry Porter · Michael Portillo · Jeff Powell · Nils Pratley · Michael Prest · Peter Preston · Charles Pretzlik · Lance Price · Oliver Pritchett · Property Column · David Prosser · Libby Purves · Dina Rabinovitch · Gideon Rachman · Naresh Ramchandani · Jeff Randall · Esther Rantzen · Charlotte Raven · Andrew Rawnsley · Brian Reade · Damian Reece · William Rees-Mogg · Melanie Reid · John Rentoul · Richard & Judy · Steve Richards · John Richardson · Mary Riddell · Peter Riddell · Hugo Rifkind · Rosemary Righter · Dan Roberts · Jancis Robinson · Nick Robinson · David Robson · Kenneth Rogoff · Jon Ronson · Amy Rosenthal · Deborah Ross · James Rossiter · Paul Routledge · David Rowan · Joshua Rozenberg · Alec Russell · Jenni Russell · Dan Sabbagh · Lina Saigol · Martin Samuel · Sarah Sands · Sathnam Sanghera · Carol Sarler · Jack Schofield · Maria Scott · Jeremy Seabrook · Adrian Searle · Will Self · Mark Sellers · Jennifer Selway · David Sexton · Tom Shakespeare · Fergus Shanahan · David Shand · Chris Shaw · Jim Shelley · Adam Sherwin · Jane Shilling · Phil Shiner · Robert Shrimsley · Lionel Shriver · Alexandra Shulman · Larry Siedentop · Mary Ann Sieghart · Lucy Siegle · Lauren Silva Laughlin · Gary Silverman · Rachel Simhon · Stefan Simanowitz · Emma Simon · Alex Singleton · Michael Skapinker · Robert Skidelsky · Pauline Skypala · Adam Smart · Alexander Smith · Anna Smith · David Smith · Delia Smith · Giles Smith · Joan Smith · Raymond Snoddy · Dan Snow · Merryn Somerset Webb · Mike Southon · The Spoon · Paul Staines · Mark Steel · Jonathan Steele · Irwin Stelzer · Philip Stephens · Stefan Stern · Tom Stevenson · Graham Stewart · Mark Steyn · Joseph Stiglitz · Peter Stothard · Richard Stott · Janet Street-Porter · Thomas Stuttaford · Andrew Sullivan · Lawrence Summers · Ben Summerskill · Ruth Sunderland · Thomas Sutcliffe · John Sutherland · Henry Sutton · Christopher Swann · Matthew Syed · Rachel Sylvester · Matthew Taylor · Paul Taylor · Gillian Tett · Daniel Thomas · Lesley Thomas · Damian Thompson · Alice Thomson · Barbara Toner · Thunderer · Whitney Tilson · Sylvia Tidy-Harris · Simon Tisdall · Alan Titchmarsh · Michael Tomasky · Richard Tomkins · Catherine Townsend · Martin Townsend · Nick Townsend · Polly Toynbee · John Train · John Travers · Ian Traynor · George Trefgarne · Giles Tremlett · Ann Treneman · Janice Turner · Rebecca Tyrrel · Ulrika · Neil Unmack · Maggie Urry · David Usborne · Tom Utley · Dominic Utton · Matthew Vincent · Brian Viner · Celia Walden · George Walden · Patti Waldmeir · David Walker · John Walsh · Natasha Walter · John Waples · Jeremy Warner · Keith Waterhouse · Alan Watkins · Shane Watson · Jonathan Watts · Paul Waugh · Jacob Weisberg · Ed West · Michael Wharton · Geoffrey Wheatcroft · Patience Wheatcroft · Francis Wheen · Jim White · Michael White · Roland White · Andreas Whittam Smith · Jamie Whyte · Ann Widdecombe · David Wighton · Peter Wilby · Zoe Williams · John Willman · A.N. Wilson · Quentin Wilson · Claudia Winkleman · Rolfe Winkler · Henry Winter · Jeanette Winterson · Patrick Wintour · Terry Wogan · Naomi Wolf · Martin Wolf · Vicki Woods · Martin Woollacott · Word on the street · The World Reordered · World View · Diana Wright · Jackie Wullschlager · Tim Yeo · Hugo Young · Jimmy Young · Peter York · Gary Younge · Slavoj Žižek


574610 420112098013924 18446820 n.jpg


Wttk.jpg